Reality TV star Bethenny Frankel and husband to separate






NEW YORK (Reuters) – Reality TV star Bethenny Frankel and her husband Jason Hoppy are separating, Frankel announced on Sunday.


“It brings me great sadness to say that Jason and I are separating. This was an extremely difficult decision that, as a woman and a mother, I have to accept as the best choice for our family,” Frankel said in a statement confirmed by her representative.






“We have love and respect for one another and will continue to amicably co-parent our daughter who is and will always remain our first priority. This is an immensely painful and heartbreaking time for us.”


Frankel, 42, and Hoppy married in March of 2010. They have a daughter, Bryn, who was born in May of 2010.


On Sunday, Frankel tweeted, “I am heartbroken. I am sad. We will work through this as a family.”


Frankel first attracted attention in 2008 on the reality show “The Real Housewives of New York City,” which chronicles the exploits of wealthy New York women. She went on to star in two other reality TV shows, “Bethenny Getting Married?” and “Bethenny Ever After…,” both of which centered on the couple’s marriage and child-rearing.


Frankel also founded the Skinnygirl line of cocktails, and has written several diet and self-help books. In 2012 she launched a talk show, “Bethenny,” which is set to air nationally in 2013.


(Reporting By Andrea Burzynski; Editing by Stacey Joyce)


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Fragile Egypt economy overshadows Mursi’s vote win






CAIRO (Reuters) – Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi will have little time to savour victory in pushing through a new constitution as it may have cost the Islamist leader broader support for urgent austerity measures needed to fix the creaking economy.


By fast-tracking the constitution through to a referendum that the opposition said was divisive, he may have squandered any chance of building a consensus on tax rises and spending cuts that are essential to rein in a crushing budget deficit.






Unofficial tallies from Mursi‘s Muslim Brotherhood showed the charter was approved by a 64 percent majority. But opponents said he lost the vote in much of the capital, while across the nation he alienated liberals, Christians and others worried by the text that was drafted by an Islamist-dominated assembly.


Opponents say such divisions will fuel more unrest in a nation whose economy has been pummelled by turbulence since Hosni Mubarak was overthrown almost two years ago, scaring off investors and tourists that are both vital sources of capital.


Without broad support, Mursi’s government will find it harder to implement reforms needed to secure a $ 4.8 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund. The Muslim Brotherhood’s party, which propelled Mursi to office, may also face a tougher fight in a parliamentary election expected in about two months.


“For austerity measures to be made at a time when the political system is being opened and millions of people are being enfranchised, you need political consensus within the political class,” said Amr Adly, an expert on the economy.


Yet, even though there is broad acceptance of the urgency of fixing the battered economy, Adly said Mursi’s approach in pushing through a constitution that angered opponents would encourage his rivals to capitalise on any public backlash against austerity rather than help sell reforms to the nation.


“His political rivals are already dealing with these problems on a very opportunistic basis,” said Adly, head of the social and economic justice unit at the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. “There won’t be any prospect of ending … violence in the streets or very deep political divisions.”


UNITED


Egypt’s fractured opposition, defeated at the ballot box by Islamists in each poll since Mubarak was overthrown in February 2011, unified their ranks after Mursi expanded his powers in a decree on November 22 to push through the constitution.


“What Mursi did has united us,” said Ahmed Said, head of the liberal Free Egyptians Party and a leading member of the National Salvation Front coalition, adding he expected a unified approach to the upcoming parliamentary election.


That would give the opposition a much better chance in parliamentary polls against disciplined Islamists, who have built a broad grass-roots network across the nation over decades that liberals and other non-Islamists cannot yet match.


Though Said agreed steps were needed to fix Egypt‘s economy, he said Mursi had made no effort to discuss it with his rivals although they were a national concern. The IMF has long said a broad political consensus to reforms was needed for a loan.


“Who wouldn’t agree with economic reforms?” Said asked, but added: “We have not been consulted at all with regard to supporting such policies or not, we are not sure what is going on in the country.”


Mursi now faces the prospect of having an opposition seeking to score political points from any tax rises and measures to reduce spending, particularly steps to rein in fuel subsidies in a nation where rich and poor have become used to cheap energy.


That could make it more of a challenge for Islamists to win votes in the parliamentary election.


Though the opposition have drawn tens of thousands of Egyptians to the streets on occasion, Islamists have done so with greater regularity and also have a strong record of getting out the vote in the more local politics of a parliamentary poll.


But nation’s political divisions have already taken their toll on the president’s initial economic reforms.


Shortly before the referendum, Mursi introduced increases on the sales tax on goods and services that ranged from alcoholic beverages, cigarettes and mobile phone calls to automobile licences and quarrying permits. He withdrew them within hours under criticism from his opponents and the media.


An immediate result of Mursi’s policy U-turn was a delay in approving the IMF loan. The IMF said it would postpone its meeting in mid-December to approve the loan. Egypt’s government said it might now be approved in January.


Farid Ismail, a senior official in the Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party, said Egypt could not be described as divided when two-thirds of those who voted backed the constitution but said all sides needed to discuss the economic issues ahead.


“We have an economic and social challenge and this is the time for people to present initiatives and engage in a national dialogue,” he said, adding that passing the constitution meant one major hurdle to stabilising the nation had been overcome.


EXPECTATIONS


Yet expectations run high in a nation where demands for social justice and a better standard of living helped drive the 2011 uprising as much as calls for political freedoms.


“We had a revolution to make life easier and prices lower, not higher,” said 19-year-old student Sally Ahmed Kotb referring to Mursi’s tax plans as she went to the polls on Saturday to vote “no”. “This will lead to a hunger revolution.”


Once a darling of emerging market investors, Egypt’s economy has taken a hammering. The budget deficit surged to a crippling 11 percent of gross domestic product in the financial year that ended in June 2012 and is forecast to exceed 10 percent this year.


Without swift action, it could hit 13 percent, said Adly.


Among belt-tightening measures in the pipeline are steps to reduce how much subsidised gasoline drivers can buy, which is bound to be unpopular.


In the meantime, Egypt has been bleeding foreign reserves at a rate of about $ 600 million a month, cutting them to about $ 15 billion, less than half their level before Mubarak’s fall.


Some Egyptians are still ready to give Mursi a chance. Many of those who voted “yes” in the referendum backed the charter as a vote for “stability”, even if they had some reservations. But, even from supporters, Mursi may have limited leeway.


“Just as people rose against Mubarak, they can rise against Mursi,” said Mohamed Mohsen, a civil servant and Islamist backer who voted “yes” in the referendum. “Let’s give him two, three, four or five months to solve our problems then we can see.”


The government says it is already engaged in a “national dialogue” with political forces, unions and others to win public support for an economic plan it insists will not hurt the poor.


“Passage of the new constitution is unlikely to ease recent discord, but it nevertheless marks a significant step forward in Egypt’s laboured political transition,” Simon Williams, HSBC economist in Dubai, wrote in a note after the constitution was approved in the first of the two-stage referendum.


He said progress on the IMF programme could now resume swiftly, but added: “The temptation to avoid pressing ahead with unpopular policy measures may also prove ever harder to resist, particularly ahead of the parliamentary polls.”


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Taliban not demanding Afghan power monopoly






KABUL, Afghanistan (AP) — Taliban representatives at a conference did not insist on total power in Afghanistan and pledged to grant rights to women that the militant Islamist group itself brutally suppressed in the past, according to a Taliban statement received Sunday.


The pledges emerged from a rare meeting last week involving Taliban and Kabul government representatives.






The less strident substance and tone came in a speech delivered at a conference in France. The French hosts described it as a discussion among Afghans rather than peace negotiations.


It was hard to determine whether the softer line taken by the Taliban representatives reflected a real shift in policy or a salvo in the propaganda war for the hearts and minds of Afghans.


The speech said that a new constitution would protect civil and political rights of all citizens. It promised that women would be allowed to choose husbands, own property, attend school and seek work, rights denied them during Taliban rule, which ended with the 2001 U.S. invasion. The speech was emailed from Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid.


“We are not looking to monopolize power. We want an all-Afghan inclusive government,” the speech said. It was delivered by two Taliban officials, Mawlawi Shahbuddin Dilawar and Muhammad Naeem during the conference on Thursday and Friday.


Afghanistan’s Foreign Ministry spokesman said the government welcomed such talks but did not expect them to bridge the gap between the warring sides.


The United States started to embrace the idea of peace talks after President Barack Obama took office, but discussions stalled in recent years, despite the formation of an Afghan government council tasked with reaching out to the Taliban and the establishment of a Taliban political office in Qatar.


“The peace initiative is a process, and one or two or three meetings are not going to solve the problems. But we are hopeful for the future,” Foreign Ministry spokesman Janan Mosazai said. He said the government’s preconditions for the talks with the Taliban have not changed: a cease-fire, recognition of the Afghan constitution, cutting ties with international terrorists and agreeing to respect the rights of Afghan citizens including women and children.


The Taliban speech reiterated the group’s own longtime policies, declaring that the current constitution was “illegitimate because it is written under the shadow of (U.S.) B-52 aircraft” and that the Taliban remained the legitimate government of the country, a reference to the U.S.-led campaign that drove the Taliban from power.


It also called for the withdrawal of all foreign forces and said a 2014 national election was “not beneficial for solving the Afghan quandary” because it would take place while the country was still under foreign occupation.


Most NATO forces are scheduled to be withdrawn by 2014. The Kabul government and its international backers hope that a peace deal can be brokered with the Taliban and other militant groups before the pullout. NATO still has more than 100,000 troops, including 66,000 U.S. soldiers, on the ground. Washington is now determining the size of a scaled down force the United States will keep in Afghanistan after 2014.


“The occupation must be ended as a first step, which is the desire of the entire nation, because this is the mother of all these tragedies,” the speech said.


The conference was also attended by the Hezb-e-Islami group, which is allied with the Taliban, and political opponents of President Hamid Karzai, whom the Taliban regard as a puppet of Washington.


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2 bombers target mobile phone firms in Nigeria






KANO, Nigeria (AP) — Authorities blame a radical Islamist sect for twin suicide car bombings targeting two major mobile phone companies, an official said Saturday, blacking out a top operator’s network in most of Nigeria‘s northern commercial hub.


A suicide bomber drove an explosive-laden car into the facilities of the Nigerian subsidiary of Bharti Airtel Ltd. of India at about 8 a.m. in the city of Kano, said Capt. Iweha Ikedichi, who speaks for a special taskforce deployed in Kano to reduce the threat of the Islamic rebels known as Boko Haram. The attack left an Airtel worker injured, authorities said. It also damaged a switch station, said James Eze, an Airtel spokesman. He said the company was still assessing how bad the damage was, but declined to comment further.






Switch stations control the regional mobile phone network and if they are seriously damaged, the entire network could go down. An Airtel staff who spoke on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the press said the targeted switch station covered six northern states, including Kano. But while Airtel’s network appeared to be down across Kano Sunday, calls to lines in some of the other states went through.


At about the same time as the Airtel attack, another bomber targeted the facilities of the Nigerian subsidiary of South Africa-based MTN Group Ltd., about two miles (three kilometers) away. That attack was botched by security officers who shot the bomber, causing an explosion at the company’s gate, Ikedichi said.


The target of the foiled attack was MTN’s switch station, said Funmilayo Omogbenigun, spokeswoman for Nigeria’s largest cell phone network provider.


Authorities suspect the Boko Haram sect is behind the attacks. The group is held responsible for more than 770 deaths this year alone, according to figures compiled by The Associated Press. Boko Haram’s campaign of bombings and shootings has targeted mosques, churches, schools, universities and government buildings. But, four months ago, the group broadened its scope by attacking mobile phone towers for the first time.


In September, a series of attacks damaged more than 31 towers operated by all the major mobile phone providers in the country. Other attacks have occurred since then, further straining the one link Nigeria relies on for communication in a country with very few landlines. While no one claimed responsibility for the attacks, the Islamist sect had threatened mobile phone companies earlier in the year, warning that they would be targeted for cooperating with the government to flush out its members.


In Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country with more than 160 million people, mobile phones serve as a valuable lifeline in both cities and rural communities. Landlines remain almost nonexistent, as the state-run telephone company has collapsed and repeated efforts to privatize it have failed. More 87 million mobile phone lines were in use in 2009, according to estimates.


“Never would we have expected that telecommunications could be targeted,” said Damien Udeh, a spokesman for the Association of Licensed Telecommunications Operators of Nigeria. “It portends a dangerous situation for everybody, especially government.”


___


Associated Press writer Yinka Ibukun contributed to this report from Lagos, Nigeria


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The Hedge Fund Hunger Games






The first idea that Tim Harrington, Brian Tomeo, and Spencer Deering had for a business was to gather up brand-new hedge funds and nurture them. They’d invite them to make use of their office in Miami Beach, where they could get advice, legal help, expensive software, and eventually an introduction to investors, with the three benefactors collecting a fee. The second idea, the one the trio went with, was the exact opposite. They would assemble the hedge funds and make them fight.


1b7e6  investing hedgefundhunger52  02  inline202 The Hedge Fund Hunger GamesGrant Cornett for Bloomberg BusinessweekHarrington got into hedge funds in college






This was back in April. The three had been introduced by mutual friends and colleagues over the years: Harrington, a 37-year-old with prematurely white hair who’d gone straight into hedge funds out of college, met Tomeo, 40, a broken-nosed former Princeton lacrosse champion, at a party not long after the latter left JPMorgan Chase (JPM) as a managing director in 2007. Deering, 37, had come late to finance after first working as a teacher and writer; he had promise as a model-handsome charmer of wealthy investors. Together they sensed there was money in the nascent Miami hedge fund scene. Much like investing in a young tech company, hooking up a new hedge fund with seed capital—including, perhaps, some of their own—can be lucrative. The problem was that Harrington and his partners couldn’t tell which of the new funds asking for their money were any good.


It wasn’t easy for the aspiring hedge fund managers they were talking to, either. Investors won’t give capital to managers who have no experience, but managers can’t get experience without capital. Most fledgling funds try to get past this paradox by offering back-tested results, modeling how their trading algorithms would have performed in years past. This is basically historical fiction, and it ignores a fundamental truth of investing: What happened yesterday doesn’t predict what the market will do tomorrow.


What matters is actual performance, which is how Tomeo and Harrington came up with the idea to run a tournament to fill their incubator, weeding out pretenders by making managers compete in real time with real money. The finisher who made the most while risking the least would win the right to manage seven figures of capital. They called their company Battle-Fin.


1b7e6  investing hedgefundhunger52  01  inline202 The Hedge Fund Hunger GamesGrant Cornett for Bloomberg Businessweek“The system is completely broken,” says Tomeo


A trial tournament in July proved that the mechanics of the concept worked. It also demonstrated how difficult it was to win: Tomeo entered and finished fifth out of six. For the next tournament, which they considered their real debut, the three men secured $ 10 million in money to manage from a capital provider in New York named Liquid Holdings Group. Winners would be chosen in three divisions. The “elite” category was for managers who were already running other people’s money. The winner here would run $ 5 million of the prize capital. The “professional” division was for entrants risking any amount of their own money. The winner would run $ 3 million. And the “launch” division was for contestants trading only on paper. There would be two winners in this division, each to be allocated $ 1 million.


Battle-Fin restricted the tournament to quants—managers who develop computer-run algorithms that set rules for trading. Quants aren’t new to Wall Street by any means, but if you’re looking for innovative ideas, then computational finance isn’t a bad place to start. And hedge funds badly need new blood. With notable exceptions, they’ve been clobbered by the plain-old stock market in the last four years. In 2012, the average hedge fund has returned 3 percent; the Standard & Poor’s 500-stock index has returned 15 percent. Investors, meanwhile, pay dearly for the privilege of underperforming—managers typically keep 20 percent of any profit, plus a 2 percent management fee.


“We want to find great people, help them build their business, and build a great business on our own,” Harrington says. “If that turns the hedge fund industry on its head, that’s not our worry.”
 
 
In August, Alon Bochman was sitting at the desk he rents at an office near Grand Central Terminal in New York, reading posts in a LinkedIn (LNKD) group for emerging managers, when he came across one from Harrington. “Our real-time, real-capital tournaments democratically and objectively identify tomorrow’s best and brightest computational financiers—wherever they might be,” it read. A few clicks and an e-mail exchange later, Bochman was in the tournament.


Two and a half years ago, Bochman was earning a comfortable six figures as a portfolio manager at SC Fundamental, a New York hedge fund notable for launching the careers of a handful of wildly successful managers, including David Einhorn. One day he noticed an anomaly in the way a certain kind of exchange-traded fund behaved, so he devised a trading strategy for his personal account that wouldn’t require a lot of monitoring. “I never really looked at it. I had a full-time job I liked very much,” he says. “Then, around December, I got a statement from my broker. And I was like, Huh.” Bochman’s returns had passed 30 percent a year. In March he quit to start his own fund.


Even with his connections, Bochman, 39, found it tough to get a piece of the money streaming into billion-dollar funds. He knew that, as in any industry, pitching hedge fund investors meant hearing “no” a lot. What he wasn’t prepared for were the questionnaires from due diligence firms, the industry’s post-Madoff gatekeepers, which struck him as both invasive and superficial. Asking about strategy and risk tolerance made sense. But his heart condition? Whether he was in the midst of a divorce?


Of every dollar flowing into the industry, 96¢ go to the biggest hedge funds, those with more than $ 5 billion under management. For upstarts, getting capitalized usually means hitting up friends and family, then approaching professional contacts, and gradually moving upward. Performance is the most important factor for attracting money, but allocations are often won or lost on the margins of personality—knowing the right people, having impressive literature, nailing the interview. “The hedge fund industry is supposed to be merit-based, and it’s supposed to be entrepreneurial,” says Bochman. “I think that people have been so shell-shocked by the financial crisis and Bernie Madoff that they’ve given up on merit. They’ll settle on a checklist that ensures you belong to certain clubs, know the right people.” He found the tournament concept refreshing. “What they’re doing is important. They’re one of the few guys saying, ‘This is a contest of ideas, and may the best strategy win.’ This is something that our industry really, really needs.”


Bochman was one of about 3,000 visitors to Battle-Fin’s website after Harrington and Deering began promoting it, which in the small world of aspiring quant hedge fund managers is a lot. About 130 applied.


1b7e6  investing hedgefundhunger52  03  inline202 The Hedge Fund Hunger GamesGrant Cornett for Bloomberg BusinessweekDeering once taught English and wrote a novel


“The pedigree of the guys who are coming across our screen—it’s crazy,” says Deering. (One of the two finalists in the trial tournament was a group of Massachusetts Institute of Technology Ph.D.’s.) “The fact that these guys are coming to us, in these little tournaments that we’re running? It’s so evident that the system is cocked up.”


The funds chosen—26 in all—were run by a motley bunch. Two master-level chess players headed one, which they called Chessica, after the original name, Genius Hedge Fund, failed to go over well with investors. Another fund, ProForza Advisors, boasted a rocket scientist who had worked for NASA, studying weather in the magnetosphere. Yet another contender, Stephen Longo, a Fu Manchu–mustache-sporting Long Islander, had spent 20 years as an engineer at General Motors (GM). He had been racking up impressive gains on a theoretical trading platform for years, making millions, but only on paper; winning the tournament would give him a chance to prove his investing chops without a safety net. Martin Rosenburgh, who managed $ 1 million of friends-and-family money from home on a 27-inch iMac, was also optimistic. Should he win, he hoped to focus on his fund full time. “It’s like American Idol for quant strategies,” he says.


Several contestants spoke of the difficulty of getting in the room with potential investors. “We’re extremely good at the statistical analysis and data visualization and so forth,” says Mark Maldonis, 48. “But marketing skills? God was not good to me.”


Trading began on Oct. 1. From their offices in New York, Los Angeles, London, and elsewhere, the contestants tracked each other’s gains on a leader board updated daily at battle-fin.com. The launch category, where the gains or losses were all on paper, was naturally the most volatile. Longo was up 10 percent after just seven days, with a strategy that took its cues from volatility in the S&P 500. In the $ 5 million elite category—where the contestants were managing real money belonging to real clients—the range was much tighter, within a point or two of zero. Two weeks in, with the stock market down, even flat returns could be regarded as an accomplishment.


Perhaps the most impressive performance was in the intermediate division, where the managers’ own money was at stake. Rosenburgh, 45, had gained nearly 4 percent by the end of October, but he was quickly left in the dust by the 10 percent returns of a fund manager listed on the tournament scoreboard as Z. Liu. Nobody could dig up much information on him, but with a strategy built on the statistical analysis of historical trading data, he seemed proof that the Battle-Fin tournament might be able to pick managers better than Wall Street.
 
 
Dealing with startups often means forgiving a certain amount of amateur behavior. As the contestants entered the second month, several realized something: Battle-Fin was just as much a startup as they were.


Harrington handled the tournament’s day-to-day operations—checking in with contestants, putting out fires, and generally behaving like a theater manager on opening night. Tomeo was the high-level strategist. Deering was in charge of marketing. They had put the tournament concept into practice as rapidly as they could after inventing it. This meant hiccups, corner-cutting, and a lot of improvisation.


1b7e6  investing hedgefundhunger52  04  inline405 The Hedge Fund Hunger Games


John LaChance, a former vice president at JPMorgan, logged on to battle-fin.com one day to discover an organization called “LaChance Capital” next to his name. “There’s no such thing,” he says with a laugh. “I guess they just put that down. I don’t think I’d name it that, either.” Several competitors noticed that five funds disappeared from the leader board without explanation. The head of ProForza Advisors, Sunil Pai, hadn’t even signed up to enter the tournament. One day over the summer, he says, he had called Harrington to learn more about the contest after seeing a LinkedIn post. The next thing he knew, ProForza was listed in the elite category. Harrington “entered us into the competition. I hadn’t actually applied for it,” says Pai, 49.


Midway through the tournament, even some high-level decisions had been left up in the air. “It’s definitely a work in progress,” Harrington says. Who was Battle-Fin’s chief executive officer, anyway? “I don’t know,” Tomeo says. “Who do you think it is?”


All three founders were concerned that two months was too short for a tournament and that they’d end up crowning the merely lucky. The partners also hadn’t figured out how to split revenue on the fees they’d collect from connecting the tournament winners to the capital providers. “One, we trust each other, and two, we’re not fighting over future spoils that haven’t even appeared yet,” Harrington says. “I’ve seen so many businesses where people are fighting and clawing for percentages that never even end up working out.”


There are no signs of tension among the three—the reverse, actually, thanks mostly to Deering’s nonstop comedy routine. A college lacrosse player like Tomeo, Deering taught English at a Chicago-area high school after graduating and self-published a novel about a man, a motorcycle, and the West. Today, he may be the only man in hedge funds who’s written about Southern food for Esquire and relationships, under a pen name, for Cosmopolitan. (“If you’re feeling the love itch, chances are he is as well but is too chicken to be the initiator.”) A theater director in Charleston, S.C., where he lives, nicknamed him Johnny Touchdown.


Harrington had traced a semi-charmed path through the hedge fund world. He started with an internship in college; skipping the usual period of apprenticeship at an investment bank, Harrington then bounced from one billion-dollar operation to the next—Galleon Group, SAC Capital Advisors, JPMorgan. (At the moment, two of those firms are known for scandal: Galleon’s founder, Raj Rajaratnam, was convicted in 2011 of securities fraud, and SAC, headed by Steven Cohen, is the subject of a federal investigation into insider trading. Harrington declined to discuss the topic.) He left JPMorgan in 2009 to start his own business, a hedge fund seeder called Lion’s Path Capital, which is tied to Battle-Fin in several ways. It staked the $ 1 million prize for the company’s trial tournament, and winners use Lion’s Path’s trading platform to manage the capital they win access to.


In Miami Beach, where the finance scene is tiny, Battle-Fin rents office space from Ray Langston, a hedge fund manager who’s a generation older and represents the success the trio hope to have and the old guard they mean to destroy. Langston collects Ferraris, drives away from lunch in a $ 440,000 Porsche Carrera GT roadster, and doesn’t care what you make of his calling President Obama a socialist. Hedgies of Langston’s era had the good fortune to trade amid a decades-long bull market. Back in Battle-Fin’s conference room, Tomeo says the managers in his tournament, with their computational skills, would eat Langston alive. “I just say, Hey, Ray, I would love to see you make it today,” says Tomeo. “I’d love to put you against these guys that I find.”
 
 
The contestants were putting up strong numbers. In the tournament’s final days, 8 out of 10 funds in the real-money divisions were beating the S&P.


LaChance, 37, lives in Pittstown, N.J.—horse country—in a 5,100-square-foot house with a three-car garage on two acres that he bought in 2006, at the absolute top of the market. It’s beautiful, an hour and 40 minutes from New York, and the school bus picks up his twin 12-year-old boys right at the curb. The Tuesday after Thanksgiving, a wet snow is falling, and LaChance misses nothing about his old commute, back when he was a JPMorgan trader. Wearing a North Face fleece and socks, he walks into his ground-floor home office, equipped with three widescreen monitors tracking $ 2.5 million of friends-and-family money in his portfolio. He is up 4 percent in the tournament’s top category—too high for anyone to catch up. For him, winning will be anticlimactic. Harrington has already had him record a victory video.


LaChance runs a handful of strategies at any given time. He mostly trades ADRs—American depositary receipts, or securities of foreign companies that trade on U.S. markets—that he believes are mispriced. LaChance says it’s profitable but not very scalable. “On some of these things, I’m literally the only person trading it,” he says.


In the 12 months leading up to the tournament, LaChance’s return was 39.9 percent. If he repeats that performance in 2013, with $ 5 million in Battle-Fin money in his portfolio, he stands to make an extra $ 399,000 in fee income. If his strategy goes bust, he’ll make nothing: Hedge funds ordinarily charge a 2 percent fee on their assets under management, which guarantees them revenue even in a down year, but Battle-Fin’s rules restrict winners from doing this.


For Longo, 54, winning is more surreal. The former General Motors engineer held on to his early lead in the launch category, giving the paper trader $ 1 million in real capital to invest. “I’m slightly speechless,” he says. “It’s kind of a double-edged sword. I’m obviously happy that I won. The other side is that now the real competition starts, with the markets.” Longo is truly speechless when a reporter points out something Battle-Fin had never told him: They’d be keeping the first 5 percent of any gains he made on the $ 1 million, in exchange for taking a risk on a total unknown. The asterisk applies only to his category. After recovering, Longo says there’s no hard feelings. “There might be a few misunderstandings or a few things that are unclear at this point, but again, the opportunity still far outweighs any of that,” he says.


Rosenburgh fared better under Battle-Fin’s make-it-up-as-we-go-along approach. He never climbed out of second place in the intermediate division but was thrilled to discover that he’d won something anyway. Battle-Fin had decided not to name two winners in the launch division after all, in favor of a floating $ 1 million “wild card.” In late November, Rosenburgh joined the other winners at the Lion’s Path offices in Manhattan, grinning in a group photo with Harrington.


Afterward, the victors walked to a nearby bar. Among them: the mysterious Z. (Zongjian) Liu. He had posted an astonishing 14 percent return in just two months in the intermediate division, risking his own money. As Liu began to explain his strategy and his background, it quickly became clear that he had not thought through the implications of winning $ 3 million to manage—or even competing in the tournament in the first place.


Liu, 34, has a full-time job at a major bank. Every bank’s rules are different about what employees are allowed to do with their investments, but publicly traded, highly regulated banks generally want to know if their employees are running hedge funds in their spare time. Liu hadn’t cleared his participation in the tournament with the compliance department. “Ideally, I should not do this,” he says in nearly perfect English. “Because there will be conflict of interest. Although in my case, there is no conflict of interest.” In two months, Liu says, he will probably quit to manage his portfolio full time. His plan is simply to not let the bank’s compliance officers find out.


Before the tournament, Liu says, he ran about $ 390,000 in friends-and-family money. If he keeps up his annualized 2012 rate of 43.6 percent next year, performance fees on $ 3 million in Battle-Fin money would run to $ 295,608. That may be more than his bank salary, but Liu would also be taking on a huge personal risk. If his models stop working as well and he merely matches the industry’s average 2012 return of 2.9 percent, performance fees on that $ 3 million would total only $ 17,400. Before expenses and taxes.


On the last day of the tournament, Nov. 30, Harrington is unsure how the man he has entrusted with $ 3 million is handling the situation. “We say to people, ‘Look, you have to get clearance from your employer to see if there’s any conflict of interest.’ His whole thing is he said he plans to quit. So, I mean, it’s a little—that’s the one that I don’t know how …” Harrington doesn’t finish the thought.


There are grander plans to discuss. Harrington has just come from a meeting with an investor who’s considering fronting as much as $ 50 million for a third tournament. At the same time, the trio want to take the concept beyond quant trading strategies to commodities, currencies, real estate. “The whole asset management industry is ripe for a technology that turns it upside down,” says Tomeo. Of course, they also want to go global. “We’re going to do Battle-Fin Latin America,” Harrington says. “We’re going to do Battle-Fin Canada. We’re going to do Battle-Fin Asia and Battle-Fin Global, which is when we’re going to take all of the winners and bring them to Miami for kind of a conference and showcase them to different people.”


A few days later, Harrington e-mails to say he’s hopeful the company will win a patent on the tournament. “Things are really moving fast,” he writes. Below his signature is a new Battle-Fin slogan: Time to sink or swim.


Businessweek.com — Top News





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Canada spending growth sluggish in November, Mastercard says






(Reuters) – Canada‘s holiday shopping season got off to a slow start in November with retail sales rising only 1.3 percent from the previous year, compared with 4.2 percent growth a year earlier, according to data released by MasterCard on Thursday.


Still, the shopping season was still young in November. MasterCard Advisors, the payment company’s research and consulting division, found that in recent years, holiday shopping peaks from December 20 to December 22.






“Many Canadians may have gotten an early start with Black Friday and Cyber Monday this year, but it’s still a very young phenomenon in Canada,” Senior Vice-President Richard McLaughlin, said in a release.


The Friday after U.S. Thanksgiving is the unofficial start to the holiday shopping season south of the border, and in recent years retailers have imported Black Friday sales to Canada.


Some also promote online sales the following Monday.


Canada’s online retail sales continued to grow in November, increasing 26.4 percent.


(Reporting by Allison Martell; Editing by Peter Galloway)


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Instagram diverts attention from botched policy change with another new filter









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Federal judge blocks Missouri law to deny birth control coverage






(Reuters) – A federal judge on Friday blocked a new Missouri law that requires health insurers to offer plans that exclude contraception coverage if employers or individuals object to birth control on moral or religious grounds.


U.S. District Judge Audrey Fleissig granted a temporary restraining order preventing the enforcement of the law, writing that it appears to conflict with the new federal health care law.






Republican lawmakers in Missouri drafted the law in response to President Barack Obama‘s policy of requiring insurers to cover birth control for free as part of the new federal health care law, even if they work for a church or other employer that has a moral objection.


State lawmakers in September overrode a veto by Democratic Governor Jay Nixon to enact the law.


The Missouri Insurance Coalition, a nonprofit whose members include health insurers that do business in the state, asked the judge to block the state law, arguing that it conflicts with federal law and is therefore invalid.


Fleissig wrote that the coalition is likely to succeed on that claim “given what appears to be an irreconcilable conflict” between the federal and state laws.


At a hearing, the judge wrote, the Missouri Department of Insurance “could offer no response to how there would not be a direct conflict” between the federal and state laws if an insurer offered a health insurance plan “that acquiesced to an employer’s decision not to offer contraceptive coverage.”


She is expected to schedule a hearing on a preliminary injunction.


(Reporting By Corrie MacLaggan; editing by Todd Eastham)


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U.S. judge approves settlement in BP class action suit






(Reuters) – A U.S. judge on Friday gave final approval to BP Plc‘s settlement with individuals and businesses who lost money and property in the 2010 Gulf of Mexico oil spill.


The order only addressed the settlement of economic and property damage claims, not a separate medical benefits settlement for cleanup workers and others who say the spill made them sick.






BP has estimated that it will pay $ 7.8 billion to settle more than 100,000 claims in the class action litigation.


U.S. District Judge Carl Barbier initially approved the deal in May, but held a “fairness hearing” in November to weigh objections from about 13,000 claimants challenging the settlement to resolve some of BP’s liability for the worst offshore oil spill in U.S. history.


London-based BP’s Macondo well spewed 4.9 million barrels of oil into the Gulf of Mexico over a period of 87 days. The torrent fouled shorelines from Texas to Alabama and eclipsed the 1989 Exxon Valdez spill in Alaska in severity.


Lawyers for some affected parties had objected to the deal, reached in March between BP and lawyers representing plaintiffs ranging from restaurateurs, hoteliers, and oyster men who lost money from the spill. They argued that some claimants would be underpaid or unfairly excluded.


But in a 125-page order approving the settlement, Barbier called the deal “fair, reasonable and adequate,” citing the low number of class members who objected or opted out.


BP welcomed the approval order in a statement, adding that the settlement resolves the majority of economic and property damage claims stemming from the accident.


“Today’s decision by the Court is another important step forward for BP in meeting its commitment to economic and environmental restoration efforts in the Gulf and in eliminating legal risk facing the company,” BP said.


Separate from the class action claims, BP has been locked in a year-long legal battle with the U.S. government and Gulf Coast states to settle billions of dollars in civil and criminal liability from the explosion.


In a settlement with the U.S. government announced last month, BP agreed to pay $ 4.5 billion in penalties and plead guilty to felony misconduct. The government also indicted the two highest-ranking BP supervisors aboard the Deepwater Horizon rig during the disaster, charging them with 23 criminal counts including manslaughter.


The class action case is In Re: Oil Spill by the Oil Rig “Deepwater Horizon” in the Gulf of Mexico on April 20, 2010, U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana, No. 10-2179.


(Reporting by Terry Baynes in New York; Editing by Gary Hill)


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Italy PM Monti resigns, elections likely in February






ROME (Reuters) – Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti tendered his resignation to the president on Friday after 13 months in office, opening the way to a highly uncertain national election in February.


The former European commissioner, appointed to lead an unelected government to save Italy from financial crisis a year ago, has kept his own political plans a closely guarded secret but he has faced growing pressure to seek a second term.






President Giorgio Napolitano is expected to dissolve parliament in the next few days and has already indicated that the most likely date for the election is February 24.


In an unexpected move, Napolitano said he would hold consultations with political leaders from all the main parties on Saturday to discuss the next steps. In the meantime Monti will continue in a caretaker capacity.


European leaders including German Chancellor Angela Merkel and European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso have called for Monti’s economic reform agenda to continue but Italy’s two main parties have said he should stay out of the race.


Monti, who handed in his resignation during a brief meeting at the presidential palace shortly after parliament approved his government’s 2013 budget, will hold a news conference on Sunday at which he is expected clarify his intentions.


Ordinary Italians are weary of repeated tax hikes and spending cuts and opinion polls offer little evidence that they are ready to give Monti a second term. A survey this week showed 61 percent saying he should not stand.


Whether he runs or not, his legacy will loom over an election which will be fought out over the painful measures he has introduced to try to rein in Italy’s huge public debt and revive its stagnant economy.


His resignation came a couple of months before the end of his term, after his technocrat government lost the support of Silvio Berlusconi‘s centre-right People of Freedom (PDL) party in parliament earlier this month.


Speculation is swirling over Monti’s next moves. These could include outlining policy recommendations, endorsing a centrist alliance committed to his reform agenda or even standing as a candidate in the election himself.


The centre-left Democratic Party (PD) has held a strong lead in the polls for months but a centrist alliance led by Monti could gain enough support in the Senate to force the PD to seek a coalition deal which could help shape the economic agenda.


BERLUSCONI IN WINGS


Senior figures from the alliance, including both the UDC party, which is close to the Roman Catholic Church, and a new group founded by Ferrari sports car chairman Luca di Montezemolo, have been hoping to gain Monti’s backing.


He has not said clearly whether he intends to run, but he has dropped heavy hints he will continue to push a reform agenda that has the backing of both Italy’s business community and its European partners.


The PD has promised to stick to the deficit reduction targets Monti has agreed with the European Union and says it will maintain the broad course he has set while putting more emphasis on reviving growth.


Berlusconi’s return to the political arena has added to the already considerable uncertainty about the centre-right’s intentions and increased the likelihood of a messy and potentially bitter election campaign.


The billionaire media tycoon has fluctuated between attacking the government’s “Germano-centric” austerity policies and promising to stand aside if Monti agrees to lead the centre right, but now appears to have settled on an anti-Monti line.


He has pledged to cut taxes and scrap a hated housing tax which Monti imposed. He has also sounded a stridently anti-German line which has at times echoed the tone of the populist 5-Star Movement headed by maverick comic Beppe Grillo.


The PD and the PDL, both of which supported Monti’s technocrat government in parliament, have made it clear they would not be happy if he ran against them and there have been foretastes of the kind of attacks he can expect.


Former centre-left prime minister Massimo D’Alema said in an interview last week that it would be “morally questionable” for Monti to run against the PD, which backed all of his reforms and which has pledged to maintain his pledges to European partners.


Berlusconi who has mounted an intensive media campaign in the past few days, echoed that criticism this week, saying Monti risked losing the credibility he has won over the past year and becoming a “little political figure”.


(Additional reporting by Gavin Jones, Massimiliano Di Giorgio and Paolo Biondi; Writing by Gavin Jones and James Mackenzie; Editing by Michael Roddy)


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